Italy has the great defect of having a short memory, equal to that of a goldfish, and being a nation full of leopards who eat goldfish for breakfast, everything is lost in a jam of ambiguity, perennial consociativism that results in a total absence of political vision and consequent scale of values.
To continue to claim that right and left are obsolete terms is false and misleading; it only serves to homologate everything to a single thought aimed only at profit and unbridled globalisation.
This does not detract from the fact that totalitarian regimes such as communism and nazi-fascism are the great losers of history, but the founding values of the right and left, which today have nothing to do with totalitarianism, are still firmly rooted in the populations to the detriment of improvised politicians and mercenary pseudo-intellectuals, to say the least.
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In a mediocre film with Michel Caine and Sigourney Weaver, Bob Swaim's “Mistery”, the villain on duty tells the protagonist: “In the world there are only five thousand people who matter”. At the advent of the internet I told this joke to one of the Italian web gurus and he haughtily replied: “Tomorrow, thanks to the internet, there will be 500 thousand!” More than twenty years have passed and I am convinced that those people, the ones who count, are today reduced to less than two thousand. it is the subtle difference that passes between Power and Wealth.
In a healthy democracy, there is a natural need for an alternation between a right-wing and a left-wing economy, without homologation, let alone the interpretation of “good and evil”, but with equal dignity, and the most classic example of this was the recent behaviour of Mario Draghi, a neo-liberal economist, forced by necessity and pragmatism to implement Keynesian policies.
Then it is the people who choose, fortunately!
It is convenient for many to point to Matteo Renzi, who could have been the best political leader a party could have, as the one largely responsible for the decline of the left. He is an outclassman in strategy but, due to character limits, he is deficient in tactics: he cannot separate vision from the private sphere. This limits him to being a mere CEO in any political party, whether left, centre or right. This is neither moral nor immoral: it is simply amoral. All the best!
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You are not a Leader if you are unable to offer a vision to your electorate, which is a community of people bound by a common feeling.
Certainly Silvio Berlusconi was, for the right, who in my opinion represented and still represents the total social and cultural degradation of the country, despite being a great entrepreneur. He has managed to turn a population of citizens into “useful consumers”.
The hypocrisy lies in the fact that a large part of the left-wing intelligentsia heavily criticised him in living rooms and on TV talk shows, only to rush to get published by his publishing houses. Pecunia non olet!
And here a remark by Gian Arturo Ferrari, former undisputed head of Italian publishing, comes to mind:“In other countries publishing has more stable foundations. Here, the mess arises because culture is too close to politics or the subject of ideological values. Elsewhere it is an independent industry, here culture is enslaved: when the system dances, it is forced to dance”.
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Giorgia Meloni's government, finally the first one elected by the people since 2008, is made up of three conceptions of economic policy, which, although right-wing, will sooner or later turn out to be at odds with each other. Forza Italia is for a neo-liberal policy devoted mainly to profit, the League is for a federal state with all that that entails on the issue of national taxation, while Fratelli d'Italia retains a few fragments of the Social Right, through the authoritarianism of a central state, but identifies more with the electorate of the middle class and even more with the wealthy.
You know, power is usually a very strong glue, but it is inevitable that in the end this diversity will be divisive.
With the exit of any thought of Marxist economics within a capitalist system, the left's range narrows considerably; which in terms of clarity is a good thing.
Without reverting to Pierre-Joseph Proudhon's “The Socialist Gospel” , recently published by Aragno editore, it is sufficient to explore and apply the articles of our Constitution to implement a strong protection of all citizens, without distinction of census and with total respect for the individual.
The Constitution entrusts to the authoritativeness of the centrality of the State, the protection of work and the person (Art. 1 and 2); it guarantees public education (Art. 34) as well as public health (Art. 32). It guarantees security, due process and certainty of punishment (Art. 24, 25 and 27); it guarantees public trade and free enterprise (Art. 3 and 4), just as it guarantees freedom of worship (Art. 8 and 19) together with free expression (Art. 21). These are universal values that no economic policy can subvert, to which must be added, now more than ever, support for research and the promotion of culture (Art. 9).
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On these foundations, which touch the living flesh of the people, the entire parliamentary arc should be united and united in guaranteeing and defending the application of these basic norms, to protect the sovereign people.
A serious area of the left is left with the space to propose that primary goods such as water, electricity and gas remain state property to guarantee citizens against possible abuse and speculation, inspired by Art. 3 and Art. 31.
Here we would like to add that it would be useful and civilised to envisage in a more than urgent prison reform there, where facilities and territory allow it, the creation of micro-economies of work, perhaps excellent work, learnt and carried out by prisoners; salaried but with part of the money retained and revalued until their future release from prison, in the spirit envisaged by Article 27, which provides for the social rehabilitation of convicts.
And again, just to refer to a recent piece of news, it is unthinkable that an entire serious political class should not fight firmly, ethically even before economically, so that a patient suffering from haemophilia B does not have to pay for the drug out of his own pocket or through insurance, assuming he recognises it, for the exorbitant sum of 3.5 million per dose. Otherwise, the sense of a civilised society is lost, as Karol Wojtyla warned back in 1990.
From a new ruling class, of whatever political colour, one expects more content, less power-seeking for its own sake and more sense of the state; remembering an evergreen maxim of Sun Tzu:“A strategy without tactics delays victory, but a tactic without strategy ensures defeat”.
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Then, as one has already had occasion to point out: “Optimism is the bitter chalice of the naive!”.
Illustration by Gloria Dozio - Acrimònia Studios
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